A fascinating and unprecedented look into the secret workings of Moroccan diplomacy and intelligence has emerged. A series of confidential correspondence, dated October 2008 and originating from the Moroccan embassy in Caracas, Venezuela, reveals how Rabat orchestrated an infiltration and diplomatic counter-offensive strategy to weaken the Polisario Front and counter Algerian influence in Central America, using intelligence provided by Sahrawi diplomat Salama Ould Hennane.
The letters, addressed directly to Yassine El Mansouri, head of the DGED (Directorate General for Studies and Documentation — Morocco’s external intelligence service), and signed by Ambassador Dr Brahim Housseine Moussa, highlight deep tribal divisions within the separatist movement and major geopolitical shifts, particularly in Panama.
The Rguibate versus the other tribes: using tribal divisions to split the Polisario
At the heart of these revelations is a golden opportunity for Rabat: the potential defection of senior Polisario officials. The Moroccan ambassador reports being approached multiple times by a certain ‘M. Sliman’, the pseudonym of Salama Ould Hennane, a native of Dakhla (Oulad Dlim tribe) and former ‘ambassador’ of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (RASD) to Panama and Central America.
Sliman’s assessment is clear: a ‘very strong discontent’ is shaking the separatist movement. The cause? Flagrant favoritism by Polisario leadership exclusively for the Rguibate tribe, to the detriment of other tribal components (Oulad Dlim, Oulad Tidrarine, Ait Lahcen, Ait Baamran, and the Takna confederation).
“This is the perfect moment to take action within the Polisario, to further weaken it and unite the movement’s opponents around the autonomy project.”
Sliman claims to have the agreement of several prominent RASD figures to create an internal rebellion, including:
- Ahmed ould Souilem (Minister Delegate for Arab Countries).
- Mahfoud Ould Ahmed Zine (former minister and military region chief).
- Mansour (former foreign minister and representative in Paris).
The plan proposed to the DGED is audacious: push these individuals to form an official opposition group, announce their dissent at an international press conference (likely in Madrid), and publicly declare their support for the Autonomy Project proposed by Morocco. Ambassador Moussa even suggests using Sliman as an ‘infiltrated agent’ to carry out this destabilization.
The battle for Central America: Algeria’s ‘blank check’
Beyond internal conflicts, the letters reveal a fierce influence war between Rabat and Algiers in Latin America. In October 2008, Moroccan diplomacy learned that a major Algerian delegation, led by Algeria’s ambassador to Washington, Mr. Baali, was about to tour Central America. Algeria’s goal? To counter the progress of Morocco’s autonomy plan presented at the UN. To win over Latin capitals, Algeria offered a ‘package of cooperation projects’ (meaning financial and economic aid) in exchange for alignment with separatist theses. At the same time, the Polisario sent its envoy Mohamed Yaslem Beissat to Panama to try to mend fences.
The strategic pivot of Panama
Panama emerged as the true epicenter of this tug-of-war. The documents confirm a major chill between Panama City and the separatists. Panamanian authorities refused to accredit a new RASD ambassador, downgrading the Sahrawi representation to the lower rank of simple ‘chargé d’affaires’. In response, the Moroccan ambassador sounded the alarm to Rabat: Panama expected a reciprocal gesture. He insisted that Morocco send an official envoy to seal the bilateral warming and permanently block the Algerians. In a final lobbying effort, the Moroccan diplomat said he activated his trusted networks within the Panamanian government to block Polisario’s demands, brandishing a barely veiled threat: any reversal by Panama ‘could harm bilateral relations with the Kingdom of Morocco’.
The secret agenda of Mohamed Abdelaziz
Evidence of the precision of intelligence collected by the embassy, the document of October 27, 2008, details the upcoming agenda of then-Polisario chief Mohamed Abdelaziz: a visit to New York on November 4 to meet UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, followed by a trip on November 9 to Valencia, Spain, for the closing of the European Conference of Support for the Sahrawi People (EUCOCO). These diplomatic archives reveal the raw reality of the Western Sahara conflict: a shadow war where North Africa and Latin America intersect, and where the strength of alliances is determined as much in secret embassy salons as on the ground of tribal rivalries.
