The political landscape of Senegal frequently witnesses intense power struggles, whether among factions within a single party or between different political entities. As a long-standing political adage reminds us, in the realm of power, permanent adversaries or allies are rare; only permanent interests endure. The current situation at the apex of Senegal’s executive branch perfectly illustrates this enduring truth.
The previously unified Sonko-Diomaye tandem, featuring Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and his Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, who once articulated a shared vision, is now grappling with significant internal discord. These escalating disagreements culminated on May 22 with the President’s announcement of the Prime Minister’s dismissal and the subsequent dissolution of the government.
While the rally on November 8, 2025, offered early indications of these fraternal divergences, the discussions held on May 2, 2026, left no room for doubt. The President himself acknowledged friction with his Prime Minister, citing the “excessive personalization” of power concentrated around the latter.
Analysis of recent transformations within the Senegalese political system highlights the emergence of Les Patriotes africains du Sénégal pour le travail, l’éthique et la fraternité (PASTEF), now the ruling party. This period, from 2021 to 2024, was marked by significant sociopolitical realignments amidst considerable political instability. This anti-system party successfully challenged and reshaped the traditional sociopolitical order in Senegal.
The illusion of an indivisible symbolic capital, a two-headed mirage
This unprecedented tandem was forged when Ousmane Sonko chose Bassirou Diomaye Faye as his successor after his own candidacy was invalidated. Initially conceived as a partnership built on political complementarity, one leader managed the state apparatus while the other provided robust political legitimacy during their initial months in power.
However, the grand PASTEF political gathering on November 8, 2025, began to expose the limitations of this two-headed illusion, largely sustained by Sonko. “The period after November 8,” as Sonko himself declared, became a critical juncture for the ongoing institutional partnership between the President and himself. The relationship between the two has since reached an impasse, marked by divergences over the selection of the ruling coalition’s coordinator, differing visions for governance, and disagreements on strategic alliances. This reflects a significant moment in Africa politics English discussions.
Consequently, the unifying slogan “Sonko mooy Diomaye” (Sonko is Diomaye, in Wolof), which served as PASTEF’s survival strategy against the former regime of Macky Sall, has begun to wane. It is being replaced by new assertions like “Sonko est Sonko” or “Ousmane est Sonko.” The insights of journalist Sidy Diop corroborate this evolution, demonstrating that “the proclaimed unity has dissolved. It gives way to a now visible, almost overt duality, where roles are being redefined and ambitions clearly asserted.”
The sentiment is clear: “Diomaye is no longer Sonko. Sonko is no longer Diomaye.” Yet, within the framework of symbolic domination and reproduction theory, which allowed Sonko to generate a “proxy capital,” their initial symbolic fusion had created a singular “partisan habitus.” This led the homopastefien and supporters of “the Project” to perceive not two distinct representatives, but a unified dyad, an indivisible political force.
This duality at the executive summit represents the temporal culmination of their initial “complementarity” upon entering the political arena. The inherently presidential nature of Senegal’s political system mandates a clear distinction where the President’s authority is not shared. The prerogatives of the President and the Prime Minister are constitutionally defined in articles 42 to 52, effectively transforming their initial fusion into a “soft rivalry.”
President Diomaye Faye frequently adopts a reserved stance, positioning himself as the guarantor of institutions, while Prime Minister Sonko maintains his characteristic register of mobilization and disruption. This aligns with what French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu described as the “position occupying the man,” where institutional roles dictate an individual’s actions, language, and posture, rather than the inverse. The presidential function imposes a “sovereign” habitus that inherently distinguishes itself from the “party leader” habitus of the Prime Minister. In adherence to an ethical separation between the roles of Head of State and party leader, Diomaye Faye resigned from his position as Secretary General and all other leadership bodies within the PASTEF party.
Furthermore, a real yet often invisible boundary between the President and his Prime Minister lies in the transition from street-level communication, where “Diomaye is Sonko” resonated, to an institutional communication where the President’s image takes precedence, following strict protocol. While Sonko propelled Diomaye to power, President Diomaye Faye now wields discretionary authority, including the power of appointment, thereby creating a political bipolarization between pro-Diomaye and pro-Sonko factions. This is a significant development in African society news.
The limits of duality in power
In physics, fluid mechanics illustrate that when two bodies of differing masses share an enclosure, the one with superior mass compresses the other. Applied to Diomaye and Sonko, this signifies that power, unlike human nature, is not static. This dynamic is closely watched in African news today.
Through an ascending flow of influence, his charisma, and control of the party, Ousmane Sonko injects popular legitimacy into Bassirou Diomaye Faye. Conversely, through a descending flow of influence, Bassirou Diomaye, via state decrees and decisions, materializes the aspirations of “the Project” by embedding them within Senegalese positive law. Thus, if Sonko becomes too prominent, his influence spills over into Diomaye’s institutional territory.
In such a scenario, the President might appear to be under tutelage. Conversely, if Diomaye isolates himself too much, he risks losing the vital vein of legitimacy that Sonko provides. They exist in a system of mutual dependence, yet also one of potential self-destruction. Power continuously shifts between the presidential office and the Primature, a dynamic that sustains their “soft rivalry.”
By mirroring each other’s ambitions, they transform into antagonistic doubles. The more they resemble each other, the deeper their divergence becomes, as each sees in the other a reflection of their own aspirations. Both actors desire the same objectives: power, the presidency, and leadership. Sonko aspires to hold executive power, while Diomaye seeks to consolidate his seat.
The current unfolding at the summit of power serves as a stark reminder that in politics, a “gentlemen’s agreement” remains merely a myth for idealists. It is the perennial resurfacing of the “number two syndrome,” where a presumptive heir, initially loyal and competent, ascends through the ranks only to turn against their leader when the latter commands all the spotlight.
The hegemonic actor, in their drive to secure future electoral victories, often transforms a loyal ally into an adversary out of distrust. This dynamic fosters a reciprocal paranoia that portends a period of social and political turbulence for Senegal.
