Dakar — What began as a terse official statement has erupted into a full-blown political earthquake at the heart of Senegal’s highest corridors of power. Less than two years after their historic 2024 victory, the political duo that once symbolized a generational hope is now publicly fractured—and with it, perhaps, the most powerful political narrative Senegal has seen since the landmark 2000 alternance.
At the core of Ousmane Sonko and Bassirou Diomaye Faye’s ascent was a promise of unwavering loyalty. “Diomaye moy Sonko”—“Diomaye is Sonko, Sonko is Diomaye” in Wolof—echoed through the streets of Dakar, Ziguinchor, and Thiès as young voters chanted their faith in a shared vision of change.
From campaign slogan to political trap
The crack didn’t appear overnight. It had been forming since April 2024, when Sonko—barred from running due to a defamation conviction—handpicked his right-hand man, Diomaye Faye, to carry the Pastef banner. The “Diomaye moy Sonko” slogan wasn’t just a rallying cry; it was a strategic bridge, convincing voters that backing Faye meant endorsing Sonko. The gamble paid off resoundingly: Faye won the presidency in the first round with nearly 54% of the vote.
But once in office, the balance began to unravel. Sonko remained the gravitational center of Senegal’s political field, his public interventions growing bolder and his reminders more frequent that the “vision” belonged first and foremost to the Pastef. Meanwhile, Diomaye Faye was asserting himself as a full-fledged head of state, especially on security and diplomacy—a shift that unsettled some of the party’s founding members who saw it as a drift from the movement’s original mission.
A rupture long in the making
Officially, no reason was given for Sonko’s dismissal. Yet in Dakar, few were surprised. For months, signs of strain had been accumulating. The president had grown frustrated with what he described as his prime minister’s “excessive personalization of power” and suffocating media presence. In early May, in a televised interview that felt like a warning, Diomaye Faye publicly reined in his chief executive: “As long as he remains Prime Minister, it is because he still enjoys my confidence. When that is no longer the case, there will be a new Prime Minister.”
Sonko, for his part, showed no signs of backing down. Still the undisputed leader of the Pastef and majority leader in the National Assembly since the November 2024 legislative elections, he continued to speak to grassroots supporters as the true custodian of the political project born in opposition to Macky Sall.
Behind the scenes, two factions had crystallized: the “legalists” rallying around the president, eager to consolidate an autonomous presidency, and the “Sonko loyalists” who viewed Diomaye Faye as merely a temporary vessel for the popular mandate embodied by Sonko.
By late 2025, the president had begun building his own political machinery under the “Diomaye Président” banner, steadily sidelining Sonko’s inner circle. In response, Sonko’s camp escalated public warnings about what they saw as a betrayal of the Pastef’s founding promises. The adoption of a sweeping electoral reform in late April—widely interpreted as paving the way for Sonko’s 2029 presidential ambitions—acted as the final spark. In Dakar, many saw it as the unofficial launch of a reelection campaign.
IMF talks, fuel subsidies, and deepening divides
The most profound disagreement, however, lay in economic governance. According to government and diplomatic sources in Dakar, negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) became a flashpoint between the two leaders.
Upon taking office, the new administration uncovered the true scale of Senegal’s debt burden and accused the previous administration of concealing part of the public debt. The IMF then suspended a $1.8 billion program, forcing the executive into delicate negotiations with international lenders.
Within presidential circles, some criticized Sonko for advocating a stance deemed too rigid toward IMF demands—particularly on budget reforms and energy subsidy cuts. Meanwhile, Sonko’s allies accused the president’s camp of gradually abandoning the Pastef’s sovereignist and social promises.
The Finance Minister, Cheikh Diba, is said to have repeatedly warned the executive about the growing cost of fuel subsidies amid soaring debt levels. Observers in Dakar suggest that disputes over potential fuel price hikes ultimately paralyzed government operations.
With public debt now equivalent to 132% of GDP—one of the highest ratios in sub-Saharan Africa—the stakes could hardly be higher.
The speech that sealed his fate
Just hours before his dismissal, Sonko stood defiantly in the National Assembly. When questioned about a recently passed law toughening penalties for homosexuality, he lashed out at what he called “Western tyranny”, accusing foreign powers of trying to “impose” their values on Senegal.
He rejected any “moratorium” on the law’s enforcement, a stance that drew thunderous applause from Pastef lawmakers but deepened concerns among Senegal’s Western partners—particularly at a time when Dakar was scrambling to restore financial credibility with the IMF. Within this volatile climate, Diomaye Faye appears to have made his move.
A night of unrest in Dakar
Within minutes of the presidential decree being announced, social media erupted. Hundreds of supporters rushed to Ousmane Sonko’s residence in Keur Gorgui, shouting his name and denouncing what they called a “betrayal.”
Barely past midnight, the former prime minister arrived home to find a sea of supporters already gathered. Some chanted his name; others condemned the “treason.” Overnight, Senegal’s digital sphere became a sounding board for a rupture many had seen coming for months.
“No prime minister has ever defied a president like this. Sonko’s dismissal was inevitable,” wrote Arthur Banga, an Ivorian political scientist, on social media.
Political figures quickly weighed in. Former Dakar Mayor Barthélémy Dias called for calm while decrying a “serious institutional crisis.” Franco-Spanish lawyer Juan Branco, a longtime ally of Sonko from the opposition years, went further, calling it “the greatest betrayal in Senegalese people’s history.”
Saturday’s newspaper front pages captured the shock. One headline screamed “The Fracture.” Another declared “Diomaye Takes Power.” Elsewhere, readers were greeted with “Farewell to the Duo” or “Power Struggle at the Summit.”
Diplomatic observers in Dakar now watch the unfolding crisis with unease. This isn’t just a clash of egos—it marks the end of the fragile equilibrium that allowed the 2024 alternance to succeed after years of turmoil under Macky Sall, marked by deadly protests, mass arrests, and deep institutional distrust.
Could dual leadership ever work?
The current crisis exposes a fundamental contradiction: Could Senegal’s government realistically function with two centers of gravity? On one side, Bassirou Diomaye Faye held constitutional legitimacy as head of state. On the other, Ousmane Sonko retained immense militant legitimacy, especially among urban youth and Pastef cadres. For two years, the regime tried to make it work. But in Senegal—where the presidency has historically been the sole source of political authority—dual leadership was never sustainable.
By May 2026, Diomaye Faye had publicly cautioned that the country risked sinking into “personal ambitions.” Weeks later, he reminded the nation that only he held the constitutional power to appoint—and dismiss—his prime minister. Friday evening, he acted.
The divorce now ushers in a high-stakes chapter. While Sonko retains political control over the Pastef and parliamentary majority, Diomaye Faye retains the state apparatus and the presidency. Between the two men, the 2029 battle may have just begun. Yet for many Senegalese, the deeper concern lies elsewhere: soaring youth unemployment, spiraling living costs, record debt, and the unfulfilled promises of systemic change. Amid this power struggle, many already fear that the hope born from the 2024 alternance may dissolve in the fractures of governance.
The president must now appoint a new prime minister, whose nomination requires approval from lawmakers within three months.
