5 critical insights into Senegal’s freshly unveiled cabinet

The President of Senegal, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, unveiled the composition of the new government late Monday evening. Ten days after dismissing former Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko, the revamped team now faces the daunting task of steering a nation burdened by massive debt while steadfastly resisting any restructuring proposals.

Led by newly appointed Prime Minister Ahmadou Al Amine Mohamed Lo—who succeeded Ousmane Sonko—the cabinet comprises 30 members, including 26 ministers and four deputy ministers. Notably, only four women hold positions, none of which are in sovereignty-related ministries.

The PASTEF (Patriotes Africains du Sénégal pour le Travail, l’Éthique et la Fraternité) coalition, led by Ousmane Sonko, has publicly distanced itself from the new government, citing “profound disagreements” with President Bassirou Diomaye Faye. This boycott comes as Sonko, now Speaker of the National Assembly, asserts that the parliamentary majority remains unaligned with the executive branch.

A government without parliamentary majority

Hours before the cabinet list was announced, PASTEF released a statement declaring its decision to abstain from participating in the government due to irreconcilable differences with the President.

The new lineup sees the departure of prominent PASTEF figures, including Birame Souley Diop (Energy Minister), Yacine Fall (Justice Minister), Amadou Ba (Culture Minister), Maïmouna Gueye (Family and Social Solidarity Minister), Ndeye Khady Gueye (Sports and Youth Minister), and Olivier Boucal (Civil Service Minister), among others.

Despite PASTEF’s directive to boycott the government, some former party members have retained their positions in the new administration. Notable examples include Balla Moussa Fofana (Urban Planning and Territorial Development Minister), Yancoba Diémé (formerly Transport Minister, now Defense Minister), Ibrahima Sy (Health Minister), and Cheikh Diba (Finance Minister, now also overseeing Economy and Planning).

New faces from PASTEF who were not part of the previous government have also joined the cabinet. These include Cheikh Tidiane Dieye (Sanitation Minister), Déthie Fall (Infrastructure Minister), Moustapha Guirassy (National Education Minister), Mamadou Lamine Dianté (Civil Service Minister), Boubacar Camara (Higher Education, Research, and Innovation Minister), and El Hadj Abdourahmane Diouf (Energy and Petroleum Minister). Me Moussa Sarr, a prominent Dakar-based lawyer, has been appointed Justice Minister, replacing Yacine Fall.

A weak representation of women

The new cabinet, consisting of 30 members, includes only four women, down from five in the previous 31-member team. Of these four women, three hold full ministerial portfolios, while one serves as a deputy minister.

The appointed women are Marie Angélique Mame Selbé Diouf (Family, Social Action, and Solidarity Minister), Djirèye Clotilde Coly (Sports and Youth Minister), Ami Mara (Fisheries and Maritime Economy Minister), and Mame Coumba Diop (Minister in charge of Culture, Creative Industries, and Historical Heritage, reporting to the Culture Minister).

Women’s rights organizations have criticized this underrepresentation, arguing it fails to reflect the demographic weight and expertise of women in Senegal’s society. Dr. Coumba Mar Gadio, a member of the African Women Leaders Network (AWLN) in Senegal, emphasized that “this configuration neither mirrors the demographic significance of women in Senegalese society nor their expertise in critical sectors.”

Gadio urged the government to implement corrective measures to “strengthen women’s presence in decision-making spheres,” highlighting that many ministries could benefit from their skills and experience.

Since May 2010, Senegal has had a law mandating absolute parity between men and women. However, its application has been limited to elective positions in fully or partially institutional bodies.

Debt versus IMF relations

Senegal is grappling with a colossal debt burden, including a hidden debt estimated at over $7 billion, which the government has thus far refused to restructure.

Economist and professor at the Faculty of Economic and Management Sciences (FASEG) at Cheikh Anta Diop University in Dakar, Amath Ndiaye, suggests that “everything points to a new direction regarding the debt issue.” He notes that economic stagnation, rising unemployment, and growth forecasts of 2.2% to 2.5% for 2026 highlight the urgent need for an agreement with the IMF.

“Negotiations will proceed with a fresh mindset,” Ndiaye stated, contrasting the new government’s approach with the previous administration’s restrictive interpretation of sovereignty. “Authorities recognize the necessity of reaching an accord with the IMF to reprofile or restructure Senegal’s debt sustainably,” he added, acknowledging the government’s challenging position.

“The Al Aminou Lo government faces two contradictory imperatives: securing an IMF agreement to reprofile or restructure the debt sustainably—potentially impacting subsidies across sectors—and addressing social demands amid high living costs, persistent unemployment, union pressures, and public service expectations,” Ndiaye explained.

“The primary challenge lies in simultaneously meeting these seemingly contradictory demands,” he concluded.

An unprecedented political scenario

Moussa Diaw, Emeritus Professor of Political Science at Gaston Berger University in Saint-Louis, describes the current situation in Senegal as “unprecedented.” This stems from the rift between the parliamentary majority, which won the November 2024 legislative elections, and a President supported by the same majority but now facing a rupture.

Diaw attributes this scenario to divergences over the political direction set by Senegalese voters in March 2024. “There is no longer a convergence on the political orientation needed to address accountability, debt resolution, and justice for the over 80 young Senegalese killed during protests from 2021 to 2024,” he noted.

“The situation now reflects a genuine cohabitation: a President without a majority attempting to govern by broadening alliances, while a PASTEF-dominated parliament has set conditions for participation in the government. Since negotiations failed, we are left with a cohabitation scenario,” he explained.

Diaw warned that this unprecedented situation requires “heightened responsibility” from both the President and the Speaker of Parliament to avoid institutional crises. He stressed that the Al Aminou Lo government “lacks significant maneuvering room.”

“A government without a majority is a weakened government that cannot afford to deviate from the line set by the majority,” he said. “Prime Minister Al Aminou Lo must be exceptionally skilled, avoiding power struggles he cannot win, as the parliamentary majority can block his initiatives at any time.”

A clear constitutional balance of powers

According to Diaw, both the President and the Speaker of Parliament must prioritize Senegal’s interests above all else. He emphasized that both institutions are indispensable for the country’s stability.

“The presidency has its prerogatives, and the National Assembly has its institutional prerogatives. Each must fulfill its role responsibly, considering the new configuration and placing Senegal above all else,” he stated.

Diaw urged both leaders to exercise their constitutional powers with responsibility to avoid crises. “If each plays its role while prioritizing the nation’s higher interests, it would prevent institutional crises amid challenging economic conditions,” he said.

“This requires consultation, courage, and placing Senegal’s superior interests above partisan or political ambitions that could spark tensions and blockages,” he added.

The political scientist called on both President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and Speaker Ousmane Sonko to demonstrate their patriotism by ensuring the smooth functioning of institutions and avoiding conflict at the highest levels of the state.